Essay health is important than wealth

Paxson and I also look at the respective roles of education and income in protecting health. In both cohort and individual data, income and education are protective when analyzed separately. Taken together, the picture depends on the level of aggregation. In the individual data, the effect of each is robust to allowing for the other, which is consistent with the view that both education and income promote health in different ways. Education makes it easier to use and benefit from new health information and technologies and income makes life easier more generally, reducing stress and wear and tear, for example by having help to look after the children, or the money to buy first class travel. In the aggregated cohort data, income and education are more highly correlated than in the individual data, so it is harder to distinguish their effects. Nevertheless, we find that, conditional on education, increases in cohort average income are hazardous to health, a finding that is consistent with other evidence of hazardous effects of income variation over the business cycle., Parallel work on British birth cohorts also shows a protective effect of education, although an additional year of schooling is much less protective in Britain than in the United States. Still, cohort income is never estimated to be protective of cohort mortality in Britain, whether analyzed in isolation or in competition with education. Interestingly, analysis of MSA averages shows similar results to the American birth cohorts; cities with higher average education or higher average income have lower mortality, but conditional on average income, the correlation between income and mortality is negative. The contrast between the effects of income in the individual and aggregate data remains an important unresolved puzzle.

- Essay health is important than wealth

Health is more important than wealth essay

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Most of the work on inequality, income, and health looks at cross-sectional or geographic data, with the time-series relatively unexplored. Paxson and I look at income, income inequality, and mortality over time in the United States and the United Kingdom. The postwar period usefully can be broken in two. In the quarter century up to the early 1970s, there was steady productivity growth, with mean and median income growing in parallel, and very little change in income inequality. After 1970, in the United States, productivity growth was much slower; although there was a good deal of income growth at the top of the income distribution, real median family income stagnated or fell. Slow income growth was accompanied by rapid growth in income inequality. The United Kingdom shared the rise in income inequality, which was even more marked than in the United States, but did not experience the same slowdown in the growth of real incomes. If income and income inequality are important determinants of mortality decline, and even allowing for some background trend decline in mortality, then the United States and the United Kingdom should have similar patterns of mortality decline up to the early 1970s, followed by slower decline after 1970, particularly in the United States which had an unfavorable trend in both growth and inequality. But the data show precisely the reverse. Mortality decline accelerated in both countries after 1970, and there is no obvious difference in the patterns in the two countries. Indeed, the most obvious distinction between Britain and the United States is that changes in trends start a few years earlier in the United States. These findings suggest that, as argued by Cutler and Meara, changes in mortality over the last half century in the two countries have been driven, not by changes in income and income inequality, but by changes in risk factors or in medical technology, with the changes being adopted more rapidly in the United States.

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In a review of the literature on inequality and health, I note that Wilkinson's original evidence, which was (and in many quarters is still) widely accepted showed a negative cross-country relationship between life expectancy and income inequality, not only in levels but also, and more impressively, in changes. But subsequent work has shown that these findings were the result of the use of unreliable and outdated information on income inequality, and that they do not appear if recent, high quality data are used. There are now also a large number of individual level studies exploring the health consequences of ambient income inequality and none of these provide any convincing evidence that inequality is a health hazard. Indeed, the only robust correlations appear to be those among U.S. cities and states (discussed above) which, as we have seen, vanish once we control for racial composition. I suggest that inequality may indeed be important for health, but that income inequality is less important than other dimensions, such as political or gender inequality.

I’m the first to , but as I mature, I discover that there are just so many things more important than how much wealth we have.
The loss health is more important than wealth essay of health is loss of all happiness

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In many ways, that income should be an important determinant of health is more plausible in poor countries than in rich ones. When many people do not have enough money to buy food, adults and children often suffer the short and long-term effects of a poor diet, and parents who do not have enough money to feed their children report severe consequences for their own wellbeing. Anne Case has used data from a new integrated survey of health and economic wellbeing in South Africa to examine the impact of the South African old age pension on the health of pensioners, and of the prime aged adults and children who live with them. Her work finds evidence of a large causal effect of income on health status -- working at least in part through sanitation and living standards, in part through nutritional status, and in part through the reduction of psychosocial stress. The pension is used to upgrade household facilities, some of which have consequences for health. The household's water source being on-site and the presence of a flush toilet are both significantly more likely, the greater the number of years of pension receipt in the household. In addition, the presence of a pensioner in the household on average reduces the probability of an adult skipping a meal by 20 percent, and the presence of two pensioners reduces the probability by 40 percent. All adults in the survey were asked about depression, which is inextricably linked to stress and health status. For households pooling income, the presence of pensioners significantly reduces reported depression, and the effect is larger the greater the number of pensioners. Governments interested in improving health status may find the provision of cash benefits to be one of the most effective policy tools available to them. And cash provides a yardstick against which other health interventions can be measured.

I discover that there are just so many things more important than how much wealth we have

Our Miserable 21st Century - Commentary Magazine

Richer, better-educated people live longer than poorer, less-educated people. According to calculations from the National Longitudinal Mortality Survey which tracks the mortality of people originally interviewed in the CPS and other surveys, people whose family income in 1980 was greater than $50,000, putting them in the top 5 percent of incomes, had a life-expectancy at all ages that was about 25 percent longer than those in the bottom 5 percent, whose family income was less than $5,000. Lower mortality and morbidity is associated with almost any positive indicator of socioeconomic status, a relationship that has come to be known as "the gradient." African-Americans have higher but Hispanic Americans lower mortality rates than whites; the latter is known as the "Hispanic paradox," so strong is the presumption that socioeconomic status is protective of health. Not only are wealth, income, education, and occupational grade protective, but so are several more exotic indicators. One study found that life-spans were longer on larger gravestones, another that winners of Oscars live nearly four years longer than those who were nominated but did not win.

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